The role of ‘Gen Z’ in bringing down Sheikh Hasina

The recent student-led protest movement in Bangladesh, which culminated in the resignation of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, has been one of the most significant political upheavals in the country’s recent history.

The end of Hasina’s 15-year authoritarian rule has left Bangladesh at a crossroads. Following her resignation, the Bangladeshi army announced the formation of an interim government led by Nobel Laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus, 81, to manage the country until new elections can be organised.

But the initiative for the appointment of Professor Yunus as the chief of the interim government came from student leaders, as they believe he will restore democracy to Bangladesh after years of autocratic rule. The interim government has 17 members, including two top leaders of the Students Against Discrimination movement, Nahid Islam and Asif Mahmud. Nahid was appointed Minister of Information and Broadcasting and Asif Minister of Labour and Employment.

Previously, it would have been unthinkable to appoint such young non-political leaders to the ministry. This points to the emerging power of Generation Z, who have dramatically changed the political landscape of Bangladesh. Gen Z – those born between the mid-1990s and early 2010s – played a key role in bringing down one of the most authoritarian leaders in the world.

The immense power and influence of the younger generation in driving change and shaping the future of Bangladesh has been on display in recent times. What began as student protest over job quotas swiftly evolved into a full-scale revolution, leading to the dissolution of parliament and the release of opposition leaders. While youth-led movements are not new, the revolution in Bangladesh stands out for its profound impact and the central role played by Gen Z. Having grown up with information technology and social media, this generation skilfully utilised these tools to organise protests and amplify their message worldwide.

The interim government confronts multiple immediate challenges.  It must lay the foundations for neutral and transparent general elections, while restoring the country's political and economic order. It must end unrest and restore law and order. Attacks have occurred on the houses of Awami League politicians and on the temples and homes of minority Hindus, who were known as Hasina’s vote bank, amid a general absence of policing.

And it must achieve those goals against the backdrop of demands for quick results from students and opposition groups.  The interim government will be dealing with the deep scars left by Hasina’s rule, which include allegations of corruption, human rights abuses, and suppression of political dissent. Expectations for rapid progress are high – as they always are in movements that achieve sudden, dramatic political or social change.

So too are emotions. The Hasina government turned on what was initially a peaceful movement with brute force, deploying police and paramilitary units that used rubber bullets, tear gas, and sound grenades to disperse crowds. Tensions were further escalated when Hasina referred to the protesters as "razakars"—a deeply pejorative term in Bangladesh, historically used to describe collaborators with the Pakistani army during the independence war.

The Bangladesh Chattra League, the student wing of the Awami League, attacked the students and killed many brutally.  On 16 July, six students were killed, including Abu Sayed. Sayeed played a pivotal role as a key coordinator of the quota reform movement. His death ignited widespread anger and frustration online, with many regarding him as a martyr. The site where Sayeed was shot has already been marked on Google Maps by students as 'Shaheed Abu Sayeed Chattar' in his honour. By 20 July, at least 187 protesters including students and children were killed and 1000 protesters were arrested.

To suppress the protest, Hasina shut down the internet several times and issued curfews. However, protestors soon shifted their focus from specific policy grievances to a broader call for Hasina's resignation with the hashtag #stepdownhasina trending on social media. The situation reached a critical point on 4 August, when a particularly violent crackdown resulted in nearly 100 deaths in a single day. This tragedy galvanised the protesters, who stormed Hasina's residence, leading to her eventual resignation and flight to India.

In cleaning up the legacy of Hasina, a new politics must prevail.  Transitional justice for the perpetrators for past abuses needs to be fair and open to scrutiny.  This means managing the expectations of students and other opposition elements for how and when justice is meted out – thus breaking with the past, not perpetuating it.

In the past 15 years, the ruling Awami League appointed its supporters in every sector of society, including the institutions of law and justice. To ensure a more transparent and accountable governance structure, the interim government will need to start by initiating reforms here. It has started with the appointment a new Chief Justice after the resignation of Obaidul Hassan, who was installed last year and is seen as a Hasina loyalist. The government has also taken initiatives to reform the police. Yet thorough institutional reform will take time. It might be difficult to identify all those loyal to Hasina.

Beyond restoring law and justice, the interim government needs to stabilise the economy. High inflation, a shrinking foreign exchange reserve, and a tight job market have imposed significant strains. The garment industry, a key sector, has been particularly affected by the unrest because of disrupted factory operations.

Under Hasina’s leadership, Bangladesh witnessed remarkable economic growth and development. Over the past 15 years, Bangladesh’s gross domestic product (GDP) has grown at an average 6.29% a year. The World Bank projected that the real GDP growth is going to remain relatively subdued at 5.6 percent this financial year, with the unrest acting as a likely drag.

Despite strong economic growth, income inequality has worsened, with the Gini Index rising from 0.46 in 2010 to 0.57 in 2022. The garment sector accounts for 28 per cent of GDP a typically low skilled and low wage tier on the economic development ladder. Bangladesh needs to diversify exports, resolve financial vulnerabilities and generate new sources of wealth. This will go a long way to addressing the underlying grievances that inspired the protest movement.

The student movement against Sheikh Hasina was an historic shift in the conduct of Bangladesh’s politics. It underscores the power of grassroots activism and the critical role of youth in shaping the country’s future. The new interim government will need to address the sources of discontent and ensure fair opportunities for all citizens to rebuild trust and promote stability in Bangladesh.

Lutfun Nahar Lata is a Lecturer in Sociology and Social Policy, School of Social and Political Sciences, The University of Melbourne.

Image: Hundreds gathered at Times Square in New York City on July 18, 2024 to stand in solidarity with students in Bangladesh taking part in anti-quota movement throughout Bangladesh.  Ryan Rahman. Shutterstock.